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Professionalizing College Teaching 
ByJoseph   posted on10 Jan, 12 6879 Views 0 Comments Main Feature Add to favorite

  • Public acceptance of the legitimacy of what the occupation asserts about itself is a must.

  • The History of Professions

    The historical sketch of the development of the professions does not look kindly on the professionals. As the case with all developments the navel cord of professionalism too is attached to the grant grandma England whose professions in the eighteenth century were an acceptable successor to the feudal ideal of landed property as a means of earning a living. As Reader would say, like landed property, a professional competence conveniently broke the direct connection between work and income (Reader, 1966) for the gentry.
    As Gerstl and Jacobs comment, a professional career provided effete, aristocratic, protective colouration, and at the same time enabled one to make a considerable sum of money without sullying his hands with a job or trade (Gerstl and Jacobs, 1976).
    The barristers claim to social standing was derived from the importance of the law to the English constitution. In medicine the College Physicians exercised hegemony. The clergyman was considered a gentleman and an official of the establishment if he represented the Church of England.

    To the extent that the professions rights and privileges are established by law codified or customary, and in its praxis it may be said that economic and political life is integrated, and that the learned professional constituted estates (Gerstl and Jacobs, 1976).
    It was assumed that a gentleman merely needed a liberal education and could learn the rest fairly easily when the need arose (Reader, 1966).
    appears that with the rise of the professions and their consolidation in Europe (and in the United States) their constituted position as estates was only temporarily challenged, for as Carr-Saunders stipulates, the professions associationally and organizationally tend toward monopoly. Purportedly this assures the maintenance of standards of professional performance and competence. However, from the standpoint of societal organization it is occasioned by the complicity of the State (Carr-Saunders and Wilson, 1933).
    By the middle of the nineteenth century professionalization gained currency due to urbanization and industrialization leading to rationalization of labour and centralized control. This not only made a more complex division of labour possible but also led city dwellers and employers to expect more of the professional men who served them, in turn making mandatory larger and more vigorous professional training (Gilb, 1966).
    Modern professional associations are organizational counterparts of the guilds. There has been a shift of emphasis on the part of professionals from control over the quality of the product or service, to control of price. George Bernard Shaw argued that any profession is a conspiracy against the public. He has a point: specialists in medicine receive about 30 per cent more income than the general practitioners and there is little evidence that they provide better care for the average.
    Movements within the professions have run the gamut from occupational self-interest and unionization, through radical reorganization of delivery or services, to broad critiques. As it has evolved professions have been ruled by selfish underpinnings rather than the manifested intentions of service to society

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